Reviewed By David M. Kinchen
Huntington News Network Book Critic
Hinton, WV – One of the most telling anecdotes in Fritz Stern’s “Five Germanys I Have Known” (Farrar, Straus and Giroux, $30.00, 560 pages) involves the German-born author and a fellow émigré Konrad Bloch, a Nobel laureate and Harvard Professor of Chemistry attending a 1981 conference convened by the West German chemical firm Hoechst to determine why Germany had fallen behind the U.S. and Britain in the sciences.
At a critical point in the conference, Stern and Bloch “looked at each other in silent wonderment: Couldn’t the Germans see the one obvious cause for their nation’s decline? Do you expel some of your best talent with impunity and without consequences? Why this silence among these utterly enlightened participants?….Perhaps the subject was too embarrassing to mention, the point too obvious to make.”
Why did the people running Germany’s largest chemical firm neglect to ask the obvious question, about the loss of talented Germans – mostly Jews, but many Gentiles, too, during the rise of the Third Reich. My personal shorthand for this phenomenon is “German Amnesia,” but the way Europe – especially France – is acting these days, maybe “European Amnesia” is a better term!
Bloch was a German Jew, and Stern, although baptized a Lutheran, was considered Jewish under the Nuremberg Laws that defined Judaism as a “race,” apart from the so-called “Aryans” in the German pseudoscientific chamber of horrors. (Somebody forgot to tell the Germans that the word “Aryan” describes a language group that includes the Persian and Sanskrit languages, not a race or ethnic group).
The Stern family left their native Breslau – now the Polish city of Wroclaw – in 1938, when Fritz Stern was 12. His father had served with distinction as an officer in the German army in World War I, but the madness sweeping what British historian Mark Mazower has called the “Dark Continent” drove the Stern family to the real Promised Land, America.
Many have wondered what happened to the Germans – called by Gen. Charles de Gaulle during WW II “Quel peuple!” (“what a people!”) – that resulted in the deaths of tens of millions of people. Stern, a distinguished historian, the former provost of Columbia University, a friend and classmate of legendary beat poet Allen Ginsberg (1926-1997) when both were undergraduates at Columbia – says that de Gaulle understood instinctively the “deep ambiguity that hovers around German greatness.”
Germans were not only the destroyers of historic Europe, as Mazower eloquently describes in “Dark Continent: Europe’s 20th Century” – they also helped create it. The “gifts” of Hitler enabled the Allies to defeat Nazi Germany – and they included many European Jewish scientists, who could have served their native countries had not madness of the deepest, darkest kind descended upon Europe.
Mazower isn’t mentioned in Stern’s very readable volume, but the good professor serves up a steaming dish of scorn for best-selling writer Daniel J. Goldhagen (“Hitler’s Willing Executioners,” “A Moral Reckoning”) in the best tradition of academic small mindedness. Goldhagen is characterized as a “social scientist,” not a historian by Columbia emeritus history professor Stern. Academics, needless to say, are the ultimate turf warriors!
Stern says Goldhagen oversimplifies matters by defining everything in terms of historic German anti-Semitism. Stern has a point, but I believe Goldhagen and Mazower also score excellent points with their books. Something happened in Europe in the 20th Century that twice plunged the world into catastrophic conflicts – conflicts that diminished but didn’t disappear after 1945, as Mazower points out.
There’s an obvious question that Stern himself raises only briefly: Why didn’t the Lutheran Church in Germany rise up as one and defend and protect converts like the Sterns? Could it be that the hatred of Jews for which Martin Luther was infamous trumped the conversion process in the German Lutheran Church? The Catholics don’t fare any better during the Nazi regime, for the most part failing to protect Jewish converts to Catholicism. I think both Catholics and Lutherans were “willing” collaborators with the Nazis – to borrow part of Goldhagen’s title. There were, of course, a few exceptions, precious few indeed.
Stern’s “Five Germanys” are the Weimar Republic into which he was born, the Nazi tyranny from 1933 to the defeat of Germany in 1945; the Federal Republic of Germany or West Germany; the German Democratic Republic (DDR) or Communist East Germany and the reunited Germany of the past decade and a half. He could have called it six Germanys, since his father served in the Kaiser’s army of the German Empire.
Stern’s career has included stints beyond academia, including the nearly six months he served in 1993-4 as “senior advisor” to newly appointed U.S. ambassador to Germany Richard Holbrooke, a young scholar and diplomat who had known Stern since 1969 when he studied under the older man. Holbrooke was an East Asia expert who had expected to be posted to Tokyo, a job awarded by Clinton to Walter Mondale. Holbrooke, whose mother was a German Jewish refugee from Nazi Germany, wanted an expert on Germany and Stern was the man he asked for. By the way, I will soon be reviewing a book by Holbrooke’s wife Kati Marton about nine Hungarian Jewish refugees who changed the world, a book called “The Great Escape.”
“Five Germanys I Have Known” is at once a work of history and historiography by one of the greatest practitioners of the latter (see his “Gold and Iron” and “Einstein’s German World”) and a memoir of one of the darkest hours in the all-to-often sordid history of humankind. As one who subscribes to the definition of history – in the words of Arnold Toynbee (who disagreed with the idea) as “one damned thing after another,” I recommend this readable and idiosyncratic memoir.
Publisher’s web site: http://www.fsgbooks.com
NEWS ANALYSIS/COMMENTARY: UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples: A Sad Day at Turtle Bay
Posted by kinchendavid on November 29, 2006
By Rebecca Sommer
New York, NY — It took two decades of discussions between indigenous peoples and governments to develop — in a truly slow pace — a Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, which was supposed to be finally adopted Tuesday, Nov. 28, 2006, at the UN General Assembly (UNGA) in New York City.
Not a treaty with binding legal obligations, the Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples nevertheless holds “situation-specific” guidelines on the rights of peoples (tribal, indigenous, ethnic minorities) explaining how the rights of the UN universal declaration of Human Rights apply to the very particular case of Indigenous peoples around the world.
Many Indigenous peoples feel that the Declaration constitutes only minimum standards for their survival, well-being and dignity. The United States, Australia, New Zealand and Canada have been during the years the most vocal in opposing suggested language in the declaration’s negotiation process, a process advanced by Indigenous representatives from around the world.
The Declaration which was finally to be adopted at the UNGA is often described by indigenous delegates as being of second range standards and below expectations and needs. But the Indigenous delegates participating at the Declaration’s process for over 20 years considered that it would be better to have this urgently needed Declaration — than none at all.
But on Nov. 28 at the current session of the UN General Assembly in New York, the adoption of this important human rights instrument — one of the most discussed and studied declarations in U.N. history — came to a halt, even though the newly formed United Nations Human Rights Council urged the General Assembly to formally adopt the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples.
Canada, a country which brags about its high human rights standards, and a member of the Human Rights Council, actively opposed the adoption of the Declaration.
“Canada no longer enjoys a ‘blue beret’ reputation at the United Nations. Canada’s disgraceful and disgusting conduct against Indigenous People at both the national and international levels is being noted,” said Grand Chief Stewart Phillip, President of the Union of BC Indian Chiefs.
A resolution put forward by the Namibian delegation — in effect, a non-action motion on the Declaration — was supported by a majority of Nation States with 82 voting in favor, 67 Nation States voting not in favor and 25 Nation States abstaining.
Indigenous representatives who traveled to NYC to lobby governments to support the adoption of the Declaration reacted in frustration and disbelief. Many Indigenous representatives worked long and hard to get the Declaration to this point.
“They decided to put another year of work into it –- but how will that be deliberated?” asked Petuuche Gilbert, a member of Acoma tribe in New Mexico. ”We as Indigenous peoples are highly concerned that we will be left out of the process, and that only the states will decide, and will change and demolish the Declaration, especially in regards to our rights to self-determination and land rights. They will subject us again and again to the [nation] states’ discriminating rules.”
The Declaration does not create any new human rights, but articulates guidelines for the very diverse needs of a collective peoples — not individuals, but Indigenous Peoples. As nations without a country, Indigenous people have struggled for decades to be respected as a collective, to maintain their unique cultural traditions, to have their rights for self-determination, their distinct aspirations and their unique ways of life as a peoples.
Indigenous Peoples, (ethnic minorities, tribal peoples, aboriginal people) have their own languages, political, social, cultural and religious structures and systems. Being the first people, or the original people to the land they reside on — indigenous peoples are often separated by artificial borders of countries, which they have never created.
One can find Native American Indians such as the Mohawk living at both sides of the border created by Canada and the US. The O’odham living at the Mexican side or the U.S. side. The Ashaninka in Peru or Brazil. The examples are endless. So are the never ending stories of Indigenous peoples being forced of their traditional lands, most often for development purposes.
Indigenous peoples are the poorest of the poor, the most discriminated and the most disadvantages of all.
The Declaration which was made inactive today by the majority vote of member states at the UN GA holds well articulated, clear articulations of obligations for member states, which most often colonized the land and it’s indigenous people. But it is obvious, that they do not want to loosen the tight and merciless grip of unfair and abusive power over Indigenous Peoples.
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Rebecca Sommer is the United Nations representative for the Society for Threatened Peoples International, in consultative status to the UN (ECOSOC). The German-born, New York City-based human rights activist is also a filmmaker who has just released “Hunted Like Animals,” a documentary on the plight of Hmong refugees in Southeast Asia. The film had its world premiere last week in St. Paul, MN.
Photo of U.N. Headquarters by Dave Kinchen
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